Statutory Interpretation Exercise

NOTE:  Assume that all of the following facts are true, though many are not.  Specifically, all four of the disputed transactions below are hypothetical, though they may resemble actual transactions from the California energy crisis.  You have been assigned to serve on a hearing panel to help resolve two of the four legal issues in this case.  For hearing panel and issue assignments, see below.

 

 

SCE v. Dynegy

Before the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, and the U.S. Court of Appeals of the District of Columbia Circuit

 

This is a dispute between Southern California Edison Corp. (“SCE”) and Dynegy Corp. over the reasonableness of rates charged by Dynegy for wholesale sales of electric power to SCE during the period running from December 2000 through May 2001.  SCE seeks a FERC order requiring Dynegy to refund $4 million in “excess charges” associated with those sales.

 

Historical Context of Regulation

 

During the late 19th and early 20th century, a great deal of government attention was devoted to the problem of curbing the influence (political as well as economic) of large business associations.   Policymakers concluded that: (1) if the market was left completely alone, unbridled competition in some industries tended to lead toward market failure and the accumulation of monopoly power by a very few firms; and (2) monopolies tended to harm consumers by producing less and charging more for their product. 

 

The governmental response was twofold.  First, between 1890 and 1914, the government created a system of antitrust laws, which defined certain forms of competition as unfair and illegal.  These laws outlawed harmful business practices, including cooperative arrangements designed to give members of the cooperative greater market power (i.e., power to influence market prices) and misuse of so-called “monopoly power” (the unilateral ability of powerful oligopolists or monopolists to influence market price). 

 

Second, in industries that tended toward monopoly because a single seller was most efficient, governments began to charter (i.e., license) private monopoly sellers within designated geographic areas, but limited the price those sellers could charge (to their costs plus a “reasonable” rate of return on prudently incurred investments).  This system of “public utility regulation” began in the late 1800s with the creation of the Interstate Commerce Commission to regulate railroad rates and comparable state agencies.  It now comprises federal agencies, like the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (“FERC”), and state public utility commissions, like the California PUC.  Traditionally, these agencies set the rates charged by regulated public utilities through so-called “rate cases.” 

 

The Federal Power Act and Wholesale Electric Rates

 

The Federal Power Act of 1935 (“FPA”) requires that wholesale electricity sales be made at rates that are “just and reasonable.”   Throughout most of the FPA’s life, the FERC used rate cases to approve and limit wholesale rates.  Wholesale sellers would submit information about their costs and investments to FERC, requesting authority to charge particular rates and earn a particular rate of return for their shareholders.  A single FERC-approved rate would cover both the cost of the electricity sold at wholesale and the cost of transmitting it over the utility’s transmission lines, in one “bundled” rate.  FERC’s professional staff and other interested parties scrutinized the requested rates, sometimes arguing that the requested rates were too high.  The FERC Commissioners (political appointees who run the agency) then decided what rates would be “just and reasonable.”  Analogous rate proceedings took place at the state level, reviewing the reasonableness of retail electric rates, and still do today in most states.

 

In traditional rate cases, the regulatory agency bases its decision on (a) the value of prudent capital investments on which the utility will be permitted to earn a return, (b) the value of operating expenses, and (c) the rate of return on investment that is “reasonable” under the circumstances.  While regulators have mostly eschewed fixed formulae for selecting rates of return, in more than 100 years of state and federal ratemaking they have rarely exceeded 20 percent or dipped below mid single digit returns.

 

Electricity Restructuring

 

In recent decades, more and more economists and public policy analysts have extolled the advantages of competition over regulation, and have promoted the idea that free markets can drive down costs and prices by reducing inefficiencies.  These ideas motivated restructuring of traditionally regulated industries like banking, airline, and telecommunications, before electricity restructuring took hold in the 1990s.  A series of actions by Congress, the FERC, and states has led to an increasing “unbundling” of power generation, power sales, and power transmission and distribution services, such that only the latter component of electric service is now considered a natural monopoly requiring government rate regulation. 

 

Consequently, the FERC and some states set about trying to promote competition in power sales markets, permitting buyers to choose the company from which they would buy power, rather than requiring service by only the government-chartered monopoly provider.  To facilitate the development of wholesale markets, FERC began by requiring owners of transmission lines to transmit power for third parties at regulated rates.  FERC then authorized wholesale buyers (usually, public utilities and municipal utilities serving retail customers) to negotiate their own rates with individual power suppliers (owners of generating plants) of their choice.  Some state Public Utility Commissions (“PUCs”) initiated similar restructurings in retail electricity markets, authorizing individual buyers to choose their power suppliers and simultaneously loosening regulatory restrictions on prices to promote price competition among sellers.  In this way, the FERC and some state agencies allowed the market, rather than regulators, to set rates with the hope that long term costs would decrease. 

 

California was the first state to experiment with restructuring.  In the mid-1990s, the electricity industry in California was restructured in accordance with California legislation (Assembly Bill 1890). The goal was a new market structure that would bring about a fundamental shift in the way electricity was bought and sold in California, promoting unbundled sales of electric energy by multiple sellers to retail distributors and end-users at market-based rates. The restructuring legislation called for the creation of an independent system operator (namely, the Cal ISO) to control the transmission grid and a power exchange which would facilitate the creation of a transparent, visible wholesale spot market for electricity.

 

In a series of orders issued during 1996 and 1997, the FERC approved the restructuring proposals, which called for the three major public utilities in California (Pacific Gas and Electric Company (PG&E), Southern California Edison Company (SCE), and San Diego Gas & Electric Company (San Diego) to (1) transfer operational control of their respective transmission systems to the Cal ISO, and (2) purchase all of the energy needed to serve their retail customers through wholesale spot markets (day-ahead or day-of markets administered by the California Power Exchange Corporation (“Cal PX”).  The three public utilities were precluded by California from entering into long-term contracts and were required to make all their purchases (and sales) through the Cal PX's spot markets. Each utility's retail rates were frozen by California statute for a period until each had earned enough revenue to recover certain costs associated with the transition to competitive markets.

 

The California Crisis

 

The Cal PX short term and spot markets worked like a clearinghouse system, with a day-ahead market and a real time market.  For example, in the day-ahead market, sellers would submit bids indicating how much power they’d be willing to sell into the system the next day, and at what prices.  Similarly, buyers submitted bids indicating how much power they would be willing to buy, and at what prices.  The Cal PX matched up these sell and buy bids to “clear” the market, while the Cal ISO and PX worked together to ensure that the transmission system could accomplish the delivery of power from sellers to buyers.  Information from the day ahead market was also used to arrange for the availability of power generation reserves, to ensure that there would be enough power available each day to serve sudden increases in demand. 

 

Early market operations proceeded relatively smoothly, with average wholesale energy prices at levels below those previously experienced in a cost-based regulatory regime, averaging about $33/megawatt-hour (“MWh”)* for the first two years, compared with about $50/MWh before then.  But the Cal ISO eventually experienced problems, leading to the imposition of a $750/MWh purchase price cap (that is, the Cal ISO would reject offers to sell power to it at prices above this level). In May 2000, however, real-time prices in the Cal PX market reached the Cal ISO's $750 cap for the first time, and the Cal PX average price in its day-ahead market for the month topped $316/MWh. In June 2000, prices reached levels that exceeded by three or four times those seen at comparable demand conditions in prior years. Thus began what has been termed the California Energy Crisis.

 

Figures 1 and 2 trace the behavior of electricity prices on the California wholesale market prior to the closure of the market by regulators in 2001.  Both graphs are based upon data provided by Cal PX.

 

FIGURE 1

 

 

 

FIGURE 2

 

As wholesale prices increased, some of the wholesale buyers (specifically, SCE and PG&E) remained subject to rules prohibiting them from increasing retail prices above a statutory maximum.  This meant that for some time periods, they purchased power at rates exceeding the rates at which they could sell it.  This damaged their credit ratings and ultimately led PG&E to file for Chapter 11 bankruptcy.

 

Analysis of these price fluctuations by regulators, academics, and market participants point to a variety of factors, some combination of which caused these price spikes.  All agree that for good reasons or bad, the supply of power available through the Cal PX markets was insufficient to meet demand, which not only drove prices up, but also created shortages.  Figure 3 summarizes the history of partial and full blackouts before and during the crisis.

 

FIGURE 3:  Power Outages (Declared Power Emergencies), 1998 to May, 2001

 

California's Declared Staged Power Emergencies, 1998--May 22, 2001

 

 

The list of possible (and alleged) causes of the crisis include the following:

 

  • The growth in electricity demand in California in the 1990s combined with no growth in electric generating capacity in the state. Some allege that California regulation inhibited growth in generating capacity, but California regulators dispute that.
  • The lack of a connection between wholesale power costs and retail costs.  As the wholesale price spiked, retail prices remained low (by law).  Consequently, retail demand remained strong, despite high wholesale prices.
  • A drought in the Pacific northwest, which restricted the availability of power from large northwestern hydroelectric plants to an all-time low.  California depends upon these hydro plants for more than 20 percent of its traditional electric power supply, and is particularly crucial in the winter months.  Figure 4 below illustrates this point.
  • A spike in the market price of natural gas, which is the fuel source for more than 40 percent of California’s power, and is especially important in southern California. 
  • Interruptions in gas and electric transmission, which exacerbated scarcity problems.  For example, the major pipeline supplying natural gas to southern California suffered an explosion, which made gas more expensive in that market, and a major electric transmission line was blown down in a storm at the height of the crisis.
  • The high price of pollution emissions allowances (needed to run fossil-fueled plants) in the southern California market.
  • Manipulation of the market by sellers, including price fixing.

 

FIGURE 4:  Historic Precipitation and Generation at Pacific Northwest Hydro Projects

 

 

 

 

The Dispute Between Dynegy and SCE

 

The Underlying Issue

 

This case involves four disputed charges, all for wholesale sales of power by Dynegy to SCE in the winter and spring of 2000-2001.  In each case, SCE is alleging that the rates charged are not “just and reasonable” under the Federal Power Act.  Sections 205 of the FPA states as follows:

Section 205(a) Just and reasonable rates

“All rates and charges made, demanded, or received by any public utility for or in connection with the transmission or sale of electric energy subject to the jurisdiction of the Commission, and all rules and regulations affecting or pertaining to such rates or charges shall be just and reasonable, and any such rate or charge that is not just and reasonable is hereby declared to be unlawful.”

Section 206 of the FPA goes on to authorize those harmed by rates that are “unjust and unreasonable” to petition the Commission for a refund.  This case was initiated by one such petition.  There are four payments, or “charges,” in dispute.  We have been asked to determine whether the four disputed charges, all of which were established through the California PX bidding system, are just and reasonable under the FPA.

 

Hearing Panels and Procedures

 

Each disputed charge will be decided by multiple hearing panels working independently – some hearing panels will represent the FERC commissioners, who must make the initial decision; other panels will represent the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals, who will either affirm or deny the appeal of the FERC decision on each issue.  Each panel will serve as FERC Commissioners for one issue, and as the D.C. Circuit panel on another issue.   Initial Panel group assignments are as follows (however, we may move you to another panel to even out the size of the panels during the exercise):

 

Panels will be assigned to issues as follows:

 

ISSUE

FERC PANELS

D.C. CIR. PANEL

12/15/2000 Charge

A à

B

 

Cà

D

5/03/2001 Charge

Eà

F

 

Gà

H

 

Ià

J

5/29/2001 Charge

Bà

C

 

Dà

E

2/12/2001 Charge

Fà

G

 

Hà

I

 

Jà

A

 

During the first 20 minutes of the exercise, each FERC panel will convene separately to discuss the issue before them.  By the end of the 20 minutes, the group must decide whether to grant SCE’s petition for a refund on that issue.  In each case, the panels have complete discretion to decide whether Dynegy’s sale of power to SCE was at a “just and reasonable” rate.  Panels may order full refunds, partial refunds, or no refunds at all, based upon their conclusions as to whether the initial sales rates were “just and reasonable” under the FPA.  Panel decisions need not be unanimous.  Where decisions are not unanimous, panelists should report to the D.C. Circuit the vote of the panel (2-1, 2-2 or 3-1). 

 

The Four Disputed Charges

 

A FERC hearing officer has previously taken testimony and other evidence on each of these four disputed charges.  The record showed that on each of the days involved, the charges in question were among the highest rates charged for sales of power into the Cal PX market.  The hearing officer also certified the following statements of fact for each charge:

 

1.      The December 15, 2000 Charge:  On December 15, 2000, Dynegy made $650,000 selling 5000 MWh of power to SCE from its 500 MW Palo Verde Plant, the largest gas-fired power plant in California.  On that date, Dynegy indicated that it would not sell the power for less than $130/MWh.  Prior to that date, Dynegy had never asked for more than $60/MWh for power from the Palo Verde Plant, and had sold power from that plant throughout November and the first half of December at an average of $40/MWh.  The hearing record showed that (a) Dynegy did not collude with other sellers of power to fix prices, and (b) none of Dynegy’s costs (gas, delivery costs, etc.) had increased before or immediately after December 15th.  However, on December 13th and 14th, demand for power in the Cal PX market had reached an all-time high, reducing generation reserve margins to near zero.  The hearing officer concluded that Dynegy’s very high December 15th (willingness to sell) bid reflected the scarcity rents associated with Dynegy’s belief that power from the Palo Verde plant would be needed to meet demand. SCE calls this “price gouging” and contends that this use of market power by Dynegy led to exhorbitantly high prices which were not just and reasonable, and seeks a refund of $450,000, which represents the difference between the price Dynegy charged and the recent historical “fair” price of $40/MWh.  Dynegy contends that SCE was free not to buy the power, and that it (Dynegy) was only charging what the market would bear, and that the price is therefore by definition “just and reasonable.”

 

2.      The May 3, 2001 Charge:  On May 3, 2001, Dynegy made $950,000 selling 5000 MWh of power to SCE from its Palo Verde Plant (described in paragraph 1).  Dynegy charged $190/MWh for power from the plant that day.  The hearing record showed that the cost of producing power at the Palo Verde plant remained the same as when Dynegy was selling Palo Verde power for $40/MWh.  The demand for power from the Cal PX exchange had peaked in late December, and had begun to fall very gradually in early January, though generation reserve margins remained very low.  But on May 3rd, Dynegy had shut down three of its other generating plants representing 1000 MW of capacity.  The hearing officer concluded that were it not for the unavailability of these three plants, demand for power in California on May 3, 2001 could have been met without power from the Palo Verde plant.  Figure 5 shows the unusual distribution of plant outages in 2000 and 2001:

 

FIGURE 5

 

 

The following email exchange between Dynegy traders+, concerning the May 3rd market, was entered into evidence at the hearing:

 

TRADER 1:   “We decided prices were too low … so we shut down.“

TRADER 2:   “Excellent.  Excellent.”

TRADER 1:   “We pulled about 1000 megs off the market.”

TRADER 2:   “That’s sweet.”

TRADER 1:   “Everybody thought it was really exciting that we were gonna play some market power.”

TRADER 2:   “That was fun!”

 

SCE contends that this use of market power by Dynegy led to exhorbitantly high prices which were not just and reasonable, and seeks a refund of $750,000, which represents the difference between the price Dynegy charged and the recent historical “fair” price of $40/MWh.  Dynegy contends that it is free to sell power or not to sell it into the Cal PX system, and that its charges were therefore just and reasonable. 

 

3.      The May 29, 2001 transaction:   On May 29, 2001, Dynegy made $2,500,000 selling 5000 MWh of power to SCE at $500/MWh from its Palo Verde plant (described in paragraph 1).  The hearing officer determined that by this point in time, late in the California energy crisis, two important factors had begun to affect prices.  First, as wholesale market rates increased during the winter and spring, plant owners began running their plants (primarily natural gas-fired plants) longer and harder than ever before.  This led them to consume more quickly the air pollution credits they needed to run the plants.  Pollution credits could be purchased on an open market in southern California, but rapidly increasing demand drove the prices (a cost of doing business for power plants) up quickly.  Second, as the credit ratings of SCE and PG&E deteriorated through the spring of 2001, sellers of power began to worry that they might not get paid for their power sales.  In response, they began charging a (nonpayment) risk premium as part of their power sales.  He determined further, through testimony from Dynegy officials and other evidence, that the $250 rate consisted of the following:

 

·        Approximately $50/MWh represented Dynegy’s usual costs (fuel, delivery costs, etc.) of providing the power.

·        Another $200/MWh represented the cost of buying air pollution allowances to enable the plant to run that day.

·        The remaining $250/MWh represented the risk premium Dynegy charged to cover the risk of nonpayment by SCE.

 

SCE claims that these prices are not just and reasonable.  They contend that price gouging in the air pollution credit market created unjust prices, and that they should not have to bear the portion of the price which represents a risk premium.  SCE seeks a refund of the entire $2.3 million, which represents the difference between the price Dynegy charged and the recent historical “fair” price of $40/MWh.  Dynegy contends that all three of these components of the May 29th price are just and reasonable under the FPA.

 

4.      The February 12, 2001 transaction:  On February 12, 2001, Dynegy made $700,000 selling 5000 MWh of power to SCE at $140/MWh from its Palo Verde plant (described in paragraph 1).  The hearing officer found that the $100/MWh of that price was attributable to a short term spike in the price of natural gas.  The spike lasted for less than 48 hours (the fuel at the Palo Verde plant), after which the price of natural gas returned to its normal baseline levels.  The short term spike was attributed by the hearing officer to an explosion at a major pipeline supplying southern California.  The pipeline was owned and managed by a subsidiary of Dynegy, DynegyGas.   SCE contends that the pipeline explosion was due to Dynegy’s mismanagement, and that the rates charged SCE on February 12th were not just and reasonable. 

 



* And electric power plant’s generating capacity is measured in megawatts, which is a measure of the size of the plant, and of the amount of power it can generate in an instant.  But we usually measure amounts of electric power in “megawatt-hours.”   Thus, a 500 MW plant can deliver 5000 MWh of power, if it operates at full capacity over a 10 hour period.  

+ This was actually an exchange between Reliant Traders at a different point in the California crisis, but we are borrowing it here, and attributing it (falsely) to Dynegy traders, for purposes of this exercise.